"THE GENTLEMEN’S AGREEMENT" BETWEEN VLADIMIR PUTIN AND THE KADYROV FAMILY: HOW HAVE SOME CHECHEN FIGHTERS BECOME A PART OF RUSSIAN MILITARY OPERATIONS?


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Çoban M. İ., Kalaycı T.

6th Politics and International Relations Congress, Trabzon, Türkiye, 18 Ekim - 21 Kasım 2023, ss.119-121

  • Yayın Türü: Bildiri / Özet Bildiri
  • Basıldığı Şehir: Trabzon
  • Basıldığı Ülke: Türkiye
  • Sayfa Sayıları: ss.119-121
  • Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi Adresli: Evet

Özet

“THE GENTLEMEN’S AGREEMENT” BETWEEN

VLADIMIR PUTIN AND THE KADYROV FAMILY:

HOW HAVE SOME CHECHEN FIGHTERS BECOME A

PART OF RUSSIAN MILITARY OPERATIONS?

Mehmet İlbey Çoban / ODTÜ

Taha Kalaycı / ODTÜ

Abstract

Apart from the Russian Army and Wagner Group, one of the

most important weapons of Russian President Vladimir Putin in

the Russia-Ukraine war that started in February 2022 and in its

operations in Syria since 2015 was the Chechen forces.

Nevertheless, in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union,

there were two major Russian-Chechen wars. As soon as

Vladimir Putin became prime minister in 1999, his most crucial

action was to end major Chechen insurgency in 1999. It is argued

that the first Chechen War -started by the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria (which has been autonomous to some degree) against

the Russian Federation (1994-1996)- took place in order to gain

independence. While the First Chechen War was carried out by

nationalist sentiments to a higher degree, the Second Chechen

War was on the grounds of more Islamist sentiments.

Nonetheless, when some Chechen Islamist fighters infiltrated

illegally and attacked the Dagestan region in 1999, Russian forces

carried out operations to restore order in the region. So far there

were no major Chechen insurgency (apart from some events

initiated by some radical Chechens which were considered as

low-insurgency until 2017) after the second Chechen war which

lasted until 2009. However, after the war ended in 2009, some

terrorist attacks occurred in Russia (in the years 2010 and 2011)

by the “North Caucasus Emirate” (which was founded in 2007).

It should also be remembered that the Syrian Civil War also

caused the spill-over threat of radicalism beyond the borders.

Nevertheless, some Chechen jihadist fighters also demonstrated

their allegiance to ISIS terrorist organization in Syria.

Considering those events, Chechen radicalism has been

perceived as a threat to stability and order in Russian Federation.

On the other hand, Chechen fighters have been also a useful

instrument for Russian military operations. So how did Putin

manage to utilize Chechen fighters to fight alongside Russia?

What are the main parameters for this phenomenon? And finally

are these relations with the Russian military and Chechen

fighters sustainable considering the latest revolt initiated by the

Wagner Group?

The personal relations between the Chechen Kadyrov family and

Putin are important determinants in analyzing the Chechen

support to the Russian army. Nevertheless, Akhmad Kadyrov

who was one of the main leading figures in Chechen separatism

switched sides and declared its support to Russian federal forces

during the Second Chechen War in 1999. And following his death

in 2004, his son Ramzan Kadyrov has become a more apparent

figure and assumed office as the Head of the Chechen Republic

in 2007. In their win-win relations, the Kadyrov family has

established and maintained ostensibly economic wealth (to some

degree) and effective rule against their domestic opposition in

the Republic as well as gained more autonomy to a degree in the

Federation (even Moscow subsidized the Chechen economy in

favor of Kadyrovs); while Russian central leadership manages to

passivate the centrifugal insurgency. Nevertheless, this situation

is based on a gentleman's agreement between Putin and Kadyrov

and has not been fully institutionalized. As a matter of fact,

during the Russo-Ukraine war, Kadyrov has not abstained from

criticizing the Russian Defence Ministry and the management of

the war situation. For instance, he opposed the plan of

September 2022 (conducted also by the Russian Ministry of

Defence) regarding the exchange of prisoners of war during the

Russo-Ukraine war. In fact, he advocates harsher methods (such

as utilizing nuclear weapons against Ukraine) in the

management of the war. Do these kinds of discourses also

represent the sought-for maneuver in the political scene against

central authority while seemingly channeling his opposition to

Russian Minister of Defence Sergei Shoigu? Why do Chechen

fighters under Kadyrov support the Russian Army? Those

questions will lead us to understand the Chechen fighters in the

Russian military operations and their relations with the central

authority.

In this research, our main question is: How have Chechen

fighters become a part of Russian military operations?

To answer this question, firstly the historical panorama

concerning Chechnya’s status vis-a-vis the Russian Soviet

Federative Socialist Republic’s central power will be given very

shortly. Secondly, the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and its impact

on Chechnya and the First Chechen War will be discussed. While

there are some differences between the first and the second

Chechen Wars, those differences might also determine the

establishment of relations between the Kadyrov family and

Putin. Thus, assessing those differences may provide invaluable

clues concerning this research. Finally, the main determinants

of the Chechen fighters (mainly Kadyrovites) in the Russian

military will be analyzed accordingly.

Keywords: Chechen Fighters, Relations between Vladimir

Putin and Ramzan Kadyrov, Russian Military Operations, Russo-

Ukraine War, Politics of Chechnya